International Agenda Setting Conference Assignment - 2

International Agenda Setting Conference - Assignment Example We hope that you will comply with our request to keep the sound at a minimum during your services. We simply ask to keep the music down to a level that is not disturbing to others. This will keep a more peaceful community that can maintain good relations with one another. The neighbors and I agree that writing this letter would be appropriate. You are just as much a part of this community as anyone and a respectful letter is well deserved. I feel that before the city counselor authorities are involved, it is best to consult you first. One change I will execute in my upcoming presentation is to participate more with individual classmates Other students deserve more involvement with my discussion. By questioning my fellow classmates and receiving questions, the presentation is bound to be more fun and interesting. Before the presentation will I ask the students to write down their questions in order to not forget them. During my presentation, I will call on a few people and ask questions. Students will have a chance to voice and hear opinions concerning the topic. This change will allow for more attractive and unbiased presentation. The narcotizing function can be described as giving an appearance of contributing to a cause by excessive mass media coverage when in reality there is no contribution to the problem, people are only informed of the problem. In other words, the media’s wide coverage gives the assumption that something is being done, but the doing is superficial. â€Å"Exposure to this fold of information may serve to narcotize rather than to energize the average reader or listener† (Marris, P., Thornham, S. 22). The term function is typically stated as dysfunction because of its negative outcomes.  

Strategic Importance of GAP Essay Example for Free

Strategic Importance of GAP Essay GAP is the single most important development project affecting Turkeys regional relations. Its area of operation borders Syria and Iraq, covering close to 30,000 square miles, about 9. 7 percent of Turkeys total territory. About 6. 1 million people, nearly 10 percent of Turkeys population, live there. The reluctance of international financial institutions, especially the World Bank, to finance dam building in disputed river basins meant that GAP had to be almost entirely domestically financed. This region is relatively undeveloped. Agriculture plays twice the role in the areas economy (39. 6 percent versus 17. 7 percent) that it does in the Turkish economy as a whole, while manufacturing is about half as important (11. 7 percent against 25. 2 percent) as in the entire country. The region only produces about 4 percent of the national income and ranks low in almost all aspects of development, including education and purchasing power. GDP per capita in the southeast region has been roughly 55 percent of the Turkish average (Turkish State Institute of Statistics, 1997:722). GAP is an ambitious project to narrow this gap. When completed, it will regulate 28 percent of Turkeys total water potential, generate 27 billion kilowatts of electrical energy, and irrigate more than 4. 2 million acres of land, thus adding another 50 percent to Turkeys arable farmlands. The amount of agricultural land irrigated by the State Hydraulic Works Administration and the total hydraulic energy (42,162 billion kilowatts) generated in Turkey will be doubled. Moreover, expanding irrigation will allow the production of a larger variety and more profitable crops, hich should ease Turkeys balance-of-payments difficulties. When the total irrigation is completed in the GAP region, the total irrigated area is projected to constitute 19 percent of the total irrigated land in Turkey (21 million acres). Power generation is as important as irrigation in GAPs plan. Dams on the Euphrates account for more than 33 percent of current hydroelectric production in the country, with another 14 percent from the Tigris. In sum, almost half the countrys total hydroelectric generation is being met from dams on these two rivers. By improving living standards, GAP is expected to reduce and perhaps reverse the persistent emigration from the area. Finally, it is hoped that GAP will eventually solve social and economic issues that have led to armed conflict: the bulk of the Kurdish population lives in this poorest part of Turkey. Unequal distribution of land here is a major economic problem that has political implications. â€Å"Some 61 percent of the farmers (about 150,000 families) own less than five hectares (12 acres), and 10 percent of the population own 75 percent of the land. The social structure has remained virtually unchanged since feudal times, with wealthy Kurdish landowners owning dozens of villages† (Bruan, 1994: 26). The tendency of all the riparian states to use the water problem as a domestic ideological tool exacerbates the problem. As Kut and Turan suggest, â€Å"Water disputes may be handy to politicians in personifying real or perceived outside threats in the domestic context, and in this way serve to unite the society against foreign enemies and mobilize support for the government† (1997:140). Indeed, the water issue has been effectively used in projecting the developmental needs in each country as strategic priorities and in defining water as an indispensable part of independent, autonomous development. The maximalist positions that all parties adopt regarding this issue might indeed be explained through such ideological imperatives (Kut Turan, 1997). Conclusion Strategic considerations and recent developments have also had a major impact on the water issue. While Turkish-Iraqi relations have been shaped by events in the Persian Gulf region, Syrias stance has been affected by the growing cooperation between Turkey and Israel. There are many reasons for this relationship, but one significant factor is Turkish concern over Syria, and this is in large part related to the water dispute. By shifting the strategic balance toward Turkey and against Syria, the alignment also strengthened Turkeys hand in the water issue (Muslih, 1996:124). From Israels perspective Turkey is the only potential source of water imports. From the perspective of Turkey, having Israel as a credible ally on the southern border of Syria helps ease tensions over the water and related Kurdish separatist activity originating in Syria. All these developments suggest that Syria can no longer use the â€Å"ethnic card† in bargaining over water with Turkey. An additional factor here is the potential for Turkish-Israeli economic cooperation related to GAP, the expansion of agribusiness that uses irrigation, and related industrial projects. An official protocol between the GAP administration and the government of Israel in conjunction with the International Cooperation and Training Center of the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs, for instance, is underway, in which the two sides will cooperate on technology and training. In broader terms GAP could contribute to regional development, including potentially involving Syria in peaceful cooperation. A memorandum of understanding signed between the GAP administration and the International Center for Agricultural Research in Dry Areas in Syria on June 26, 1999, for instance, aims to develop an agricultural research center in the GAP area and monitor national resource utilization. Such confidence-building measures can prove crucial for a cooperative solution to the water dispute. Although Turkey is not a direct party to the peace process it has many expectations from a developing peaceful environment in the region. Despite being only on the periphery of the Arab-Israeli conflict, Turkeys internal and external security has suffered from terrorist and Islamic radical movements that flourish in the region. The Gulf War had devastating effects on the economy of the eastern and southeastern provinces in Turkey and contributed to rising separatist PKK activity in the area. Peaceful southern neighbors would help defuse tensions based on developmental gaps between the region and the rest of the country and increase trade. A more peaceful Middle East, if achieved, is likely not only to ease tensions over the Euphrates-Tigris Basin but also create an environment for a cooperative solution to the issue. Delinking the water issue from the wider security concerns, Kurdish ethnic problems, focus on regional underdevelopment, and optimal utilization of water resources instead can itself be instrumental in building regional cooperation in the Middle East. References Tomanbay, Mehmet (2000). TURKEYS APPROACH TO UTILIZATION OF THE EUPHRATES AND TIGRIS RIVERS , Arab Studies Quarterly, 02713519, Spring, 22(2):79-101Z Demirel, K Kulege (2004). Heavy metal contamination in water and sediments of an estuary in southeastern Turkey. International Journal of Environment Pollution. Geneva: 21(5):499 Ibrahim Kaya (2005). â€Å"Possible Turkish Water Export As A Tool For Peace And Stability In Middle East,† The Journal of Turkish Weekly. Retrieved Dec 11 from http://www. turkishweekly. net/news. php? id=3758 John Waterbury, Transboundary Water and the Challenge of International Cooperation in the Middle East, in Water in the Arab World: Perspectives and Progress, ed. Peter Rogers and Peter Lydon (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1994 Gun Kut (1993) â€Å"Burning Waters: The Hydropolitics of the Euphrates and Tigris,† New Perspectives on Turkey 9, 2:1–17. George Gruen (1992). The Water Crisis: The Next Conflict, Los Angeles: Simon Wiesenthal Center John Kolars (1994). â€Å"Managing the Impact of Development: The Euphrates and Tigris Rivers and the Ecology of the Arabian Gulf: a Link in Forging Tri-riparian Cooperation,† Ali I. Bagis, ed. , Water as an Element of Cooperation in the Middle East (Ankara: Hacettepe University. Y. Bakour (1992). â€Å"Planning and Water Management of Water Resources in Syria,† in Le Moigne et al. , Country Experiences with Water Resources Management: Economic, institutional, technological and environment (Washington, D. C. : World Bank Frederick W. Frey (1993). â€Å"Power, Conflict and Cooperation,† Research and Exploration: Water Issue 9: 18–37 Suha Bolukbasi (1993) â€Å"Turkey Challenges Iraq and Syria: The Euphrates Dispute,† Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies 16, 4. Turkish State Institute of Statistics (DIE) (1997). Provincial and Regional Statistics, Ankara: DIE Armelle Bruan (1994) â€Å"The Megaproject of Mesopotamia,† Centrepiece (March– April) Gun Kut and Turan (1997) â€Å"Political-Ideological Constraints on Intra-Basin Cooperation on Transboundary Waters, † Natural Resources Forum 21 Muhammed Muslih (1996). â€Å"Syria and Turkey: Uneasy Relations, † in Henri J. Barkey, Reluctant Neighbor: Turkeys Role in the Middle East, Washington, D. C. : U. S. Institute of Peace Press.

Traditional and Folk Media in Development Communication Role

Traditional and Folk Media in Development Communication Role Role of Traditional and Folk Media in Development Communication Development Communication: Development communication is the kind of communication which is functional to the prompt conversion of a country and the mass of its people from the insufficiency to the self -moved state of economic progression that creates possible enormous social equivalence and the higher implementation of human potential this is known as the process of Development Communication. Media: The means of communication to the large audience through newspapers, television and radio etc. Traditional Media: It is the time privileged, predictable means of the mass communication which includes the mediums of communication before the dawn of internet such as newspapers, television, magazines etc. It is also known as the old way of communication. Role of Traditional Media in Development Communication: Communication is the key to human development. For the development process people’s participation is the key element to the progress. Communication is the essential to the development task in many ways. For example, it permits proposers, when classifying and framing development programs and to check with people in command to take into account their requirements, attitudes and traditional information. Only with the process of communication the project recipients will become the major performers to make development programs successful and for this purpose Traditional media is a very important and operative component in the way of communication for the development process. Traditional media procedures are portion of the means of life of a community and deliver satisfactory means of fetching development issues on its own terms into the community. Media is known as the source of entertainment but with the quotient of entertainment it can be a revolutionary giant in the society. In the society media can highlight the different issues of the society and can expose the corruption and made people realize about the certain things and led them to the way of development. Traditional media like television, newspaper is playing a vital role in the society. The attainment of agricultural development programs in many developing countries mostly depends on the nature and the magnitude of use of mass media in deployment of people for the progress in the society. Developers in emerging countries recognize that the expansion of agriculture could be accelerated with the active use of mass media in the society. Radio, Television has been much-admired to be the most operative media for disseminating the methodical knowledge to the masses. In a country like Pakistan and India, where the literacy level is very low-slung, in those countries the choice of communication media is of dynamic status. In this esteem the television and radio are the important mediums for those who cannot read, as these mediums transfer the contemporary agricultural skill to the knowledgeable and uneducated farmers alike even in the internal areas, within short period. In country like Ind ia farm and home transmission with agricultural shove were familiarized in 1966, to instruct the farmers on the usage of numerous technologies to improvement the agricultural development in their society. Media is providing rights education and building the society. Traditional media also aware the masses from social and economic levels. The very important role played by the traditional media is to educate the people. Like in Pakistan many development projects like â€Å"Prha Likha Punjab† is helping people to get education and this add is run by television and its creating awareness of education amongst the people. The programs like AUO are also run Media is also very vital for human, development, bringing health and education material to isolated towns in the countries from Uganda to Nicaragua. But as the familiarity has shown and the freedom of the media can be delicate and simply bargained. It is quite strong that to support the growth and media need the accurate milieu in terms of liberties, dimensions, and checks and balances. Folk Media: The type of media which is usually used at the small cluster or local level to communicate with the society like folk choral, drum beating, native riddles, folk dancing, wall chalking, poetry of local saints and the local theaters which originate under the realm of folk media. Folk media is also known as the basic media or community media. It is the face to face communication procedure and it is very operative as the audience have the straight communication with the medium or the communicator. Role of Folk Media in Development Process: Folk media is the inimitable in the nature, as it is look like the day-to-day life pattern of the rural masses. This type of media is a source of prevalent entertainment for the audience of rural areas, in addition to providing education and information to the people of the society. Countries like Pakistan, India, Bangladesh has a rich inheritance of folk art, folk tales, folk dance, classics, ballads and dramas that can be used for the development work in the society. Folk art is a purposeful and unprompted form of art. Basic media is very beneficial to contract with the issues which is very sensitive for the society like of health, where face to face communication might not be appropriate. The folk media is used as to reach the people in the process of change and development of the country. Folk media have a extraordinary impression on the rustic society because of their adequate idioms, purposeful significance and entertainment component. Countries like Pakistan and India who have more rural areas than urban and have low rate of literacy and have intense heritage of culture, in those places, Folk media can overcome the exertion of language, dialogue, words and other communication barriers like, understanding, clarification, curiosity, attitude and perception. In India with 35 per cent of the population is uneducated and with the media’s reach principally constrained to urban areas-information, education and entertainment do not grasp a gr eat majority of the people of the society. The Indian society is considered by a multifaceted social system with dissimilar caste, dogmas, and the communities. The rate of illiteracy and poverty in the Indian society auxiliary to the scantiness of the mass media to stretch almost 700 million people who reside in village. To those people, the mass media is demonstrated to be glitzy, objective and implausible in the contrast with the conversant recital of traditional artist with whom the people of that particular area could not only understand and hear but even touch passionately. Back in the struggle times of India these execution arts have frolicked a vigorous role in dispersion the essence of freedom movement. Many plays, street theatre took place and it helped in the revolution also. Issues like polio immunization, family planning, Aids, construction of toilets, dowry etc which are common in the rural areas, the awareness about these issues has been promoted by this medium because this medium is common to them and effective to them For example the stories about the energy conversion, dowry etc are explained in the form of Ballad in Indian and Pakistani society. A ballad is a poem habitually set to the music and is often a story told in the form of a song. The folk arts like Dholki Baris, Loknatya, Jatra†, Keertana†, Puppetry, etc., have been used by the amount of communal personnel, campaigners, and political leaders and the developing agencies to instruct the rural masses and to broadcast innovative information. This media have created a marvelous impact within the society in persuading the attitudes of the people towards the issues in the past. But now a days things have changed the developmental authorities have loosened their attention towards the folk media and focused on the fast emerging electronic media. The new age electric communication appliances hold a strange charisma for the people involved in the development work. A perilous look at the appearances of these contemporary media reveals that virtually all of these appliances require a lot of substructure conveniences like the electricity, the computer facility, Internet connection, telephone connection etc., this type of communication remains to the people who can afford it and it is seen that the richer gets rich because who can afford these appliances the development is bounded to them only but is also a fact that as long as this form of media is esteemed, they can be kept blooming for future peers. This form of media is the great treasures of culture and tradition which helps the society to groom as well by the quotient of serious art and entertainment.

Working for the Public Sector versus the Private Sector Essay -- essay

As with most choices, especially in the work world, there are benefits and consequences of working for both public and private sectors. There are different sets of needs to be met in each criterion but they may slightly relate to each other as well. The public sector mostly relate to Government work. There are special exams a person has to take whenever they apply for any work with the government. There are some very strict rules and requirements to meet in every branch of the government and for every position within that branch. And the private sector is mainly based on the idea of profit. When a person applies for a position in a private sector, they require a certain amount of education, experience, training or skills. But the rules and requirements are not as strict as the public sector. The public sector is not based on the idea of profit. Workers of public sector benefit high job securities and health care and other personal benefits. In the private sector, health care benefits and other personal benefits are quite poorer than in the public sector. They're more based on w...

Pierre Bourdieu

Pierre Bourdieu (1930–2002), Professor of Sociology at the College de France, might come into view an unlikely candidate for inclusion under the rubric of critical theory. An erstwhile structuralist, whose work sometimes appeared to run equivalent to that of Foucault, an erstwhile anthropologist and former student of Levi-Strauss, he was in numerous respects a characteristically ‘French’ theorist.However he distanced himself from the ‘objectivism’ of structural anthropology, at the same time as remaining stubbornly opposed to to post-structuralist deconstruction (Bourdieu, 1977; Bourdieu, 1984, p. 495). Furthermore, his work engaged very directly with both Marxist and Weberian traditions in social theory. One critic has even observed that it â€Å"is best understood as the attempt to push class analysis beyond Marx and Weber† (Eder, 1993, p. 63).Definitely, if critical theory is described in terms of its objective to change the world, then Bour dieu was as significant a theorist as any. Throughout the late 1990s, he appeared as by far the most well-known academic intellectual to join in active solidarity with the new ‘antiglobalisation’ movements. His La Misere du monde, first published in volume in 1993 and in paperback in 1998, turned out to be a bestseller in France and a main source of political motivation to the movement, both in the original and in its English translation as The Weight of the World.He was directly implicated in militant ‘antiglobalisation’ activism, speaking at mass meetings of striking railway workers in 1995 and unemployed workers in 1998 (Bourdieu, 1998, pp. 24n, 88n); he initiated the 1996 formally request for an ‘Estates General of the Social Movement’ and its May Day 2000 successor, the petition for a pan-European Estates General; he confounded the radical ‘Raisons d'agir’ group and its associated publishing house; he overtly called ‘for a left Left’ (Bourdieu, 1998a); and he was a regular contributor to the radical French monthly, Le Monde diplomatique.We may add that, like Marx, Bourdieu attached a distinguishing subtitle to what is still his best-known work Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste (Bourdieu, 1984). Bourdieu's reputation as a sociological thinker revolves around the ‘theory of practice’, in which he tried to theorise human sociality as the result of the tactical action of individuals operating within a constraining, however not determining, context of values.Notably, the term Bourdieu coined to explained this was ‘the habitus’ (Bourdieu, 1977), by which he meant â€Å"an acquired system of generative schemes objectively adjusted to the particular conditions in which it is constituted† (p. 95). It is at the same time structured and structuring, materially produced and very frequently generation-specific (pp. 72, 78). Elsewhere, he explained i t as ‘a kind of transforming machine that leads us to â€Å"reproduce† the social conditions of our own production, but in a relatively unpredictable way’ (Bourdieu, 1993, p.87). Like Marx and Weber, Bourdieu thinks contemporary capitalist societies to be class societies. However for Bourdieu, their dominant and dominated classes are discernible from each other not simply as a matter of economics, however as well as a matter of habitus: ‘social class, understood as a system of objective determinations’, he insisted, ‘must be brought into relation †¦ with the class habitus, the system of dispositions (partially) common to all products of the same structures’ (Bourdieu, 1977, p. 85).Bourdieu's most extensively cited study, though, and undoubtedly the most powerful in cultural studies, has been Distinction, a work that takes as the object of its critique specifically the same kind of high modernism as that privileged in Frankfurt Schoo l aesthetics. Where Adorno and Horkheimer had insisted on a radical discontinuity between capitalist mass culture as well as avant-garde modernism, Bourdieu would focus on the latter's own profound complicity with the social structures of power and domination.The book was footed on an extremely thorough sociological survey, conducted in 1963 and in 1967/68, by interview and by ethnographic observation, of the cultural preferences of over 1200 people in Paris, Lille and a small French provincial town (Bourdieu, 1984, p. 503). Examining his sample data, Bourdieu recognized three main zones of taste: ‘legitimate’ taste, which was most extensive in the educated sections of the leading class; ‘middle-brow’ taste, more extensive among the middle classes; and ‘popular’ taste, prevalent in the working classes (p.17). He characterised lawful taste mainly in terms of what he named the ‘aesthetic disposition’ to state the ‘absolute prim acy of form over function’ (pp. 28, 30). Artistic and social ‘distinction’ is consequently inextricably interrelated, he argued: ‘The pure gaze implies a break with the ordinary attitude towards the world which, as such, is a social break’ (p. 31).The popular aesthetic, by contrast, is ‘based on the affirmation of continuity between art and life’ and ‘a deeprooted demand for participation’ (p. 32). The distinguishing detachment of this ‘pure gaze’, Bourdieu argued, is part of a more general disposition towards the ‘gratuitous’ and the ‘disinterested’, in which the ‘affirmation of power over a dominated necessity’ implies a claim to ‘legitimate superiority over those who †¦ remain dominated by ordinary interests and urgencies’ (pp.55–6). Bourdieu's general sociology had posited that, without exception, all human practices can be treated as ‘eco nomic practices directed towards the maximizing of material or symbolic profi’ (Bourdieu, 1977, p. 183). Therefore his leaning to view the intelligentsia as self-interested traders in cultural capital. For Bourdieu, it followed that professional intellectuals were best measured as a subordinate fraction of the same social class as the bourgeoisie.Defining the leading class as that possessed of a high overall volume of capital, whatever its source whether economic, social or cultural he located the intellectuals in the dominant class by virtue of their access to the latter. The dominant class therefore comprises a dominant fraction, the bourgeoisie proper, which excessively controls ‘economic capital’, and a dominated fraction, the intelligentsia, which disproportionately controls ‘cultural capital’. The most apparently disinterested of cultural practices are thus, for Bourdieu, fundamentally material in character.Even when analysing the more ‘p urely artistic’ forms of literary activity, the ‘anti-economic economy’ of the field of ‘restricted’ as opposed to ‘large-scale’ cultural production, he noted how ‘symbolic, long-term profits †¦ are ultimately reconvertible into economic profits’ (Bourdieu, 1993a, p. 54) and how avant-garde cultural practice remained dependent on the ‘possession of substantial economic and social capital’ (p. 67). Finally, Bourdieu comes to discuss current practices in the visual arts. He sees the current bureaucratization and commercialization of the limited modernist field as a threat to artistic autonomy.He registers with disquiet certain recent developments which put at risk the precious conquests of the elitist artists-the interpenetration of art and money, through new patterns of patronage, the growing dependence of art on bureaucratic control, plus the consecration through prizes or honours of works successful merely with the wider public, alongside the long-cycle modernist works cherished by artists themselves. Bourdieu's critique of idealized artistic disinterestedness has been incorrectly reinterpreted as a theory of extensive egoistic domination, not least by the ‘consecrated' avant-garde.Bourdieu's socio-analysis of the artists has shown, in spite of charismatic ideology, that in practice the Impressionists and subsequent modernists lived a comfortable existence by the time of their middle age, and that usually gallery owners or dealers sold their works on their behalf, therefore relieving them of attention to the Vulgar' needs of material existence. Bourdieu as well accounts for certain recurrent features of the closed worlds of art, for example the social reality of artists' struggles over cultural politics, which the spiritualistic account cannot explain.Contrary to the orthodox expectations of sublimated suffering, Bourdieu cites numerous examples where the conflicts between arti sts over their specifically artistic interests caused open violence: the Surrealists' fight, in which Andre Breton broke a fellow artist's arm, is a case in point. Nor did the idealized expectations of art stop numerous cultural producers collaborating with the Vichy regime in the 1940s. In The Rules of Art, Bourdieu resumed many of the themes first broached in Distinction, particularly the role of cultural discernment as a marker of class position.Here he elucidated how Flaubert, Baudelaire and Manet had been critical to the institution of an ‘autonomous artistic field’ of salons, publishing houses, producers, commentators, critics, distributors, and all that; and to the establishment of a idea of ‘art for art's sake’, which measured legitimacy as ‘disinterestedness’. For Bourdieu, the latter concept marked the genesis of the modern artist or writer as ‘a fulltime professional, devoted to one's work in a total and exclusive manner, indif ferent to the exigencies of politics and to the injunctions of morality’ (Bourdieu, 1996, pp.76–7). This new artistic field had created a zone of autonomy, free from both the market and politics, in its ‘heroic’ phase, throughout the latter part of the 19th century. But in the 20th century, Bourdieu argued, modernist art had developed not as a critique of the ‘iron cage’ of instrumental rationality, however as a function of the power games of the dominant classes, its capacities for critical distance gradually eroded through cooption by both the market and the state education system.Bourdieu detected analogously ‘interested’ processes at work in the academic intelligentsia. The academic profession is a competitive struggle for authenticity and cultural distinction, he elucidated, which functions to reproduce the wider structures of social class inequality: whether applied to the world, to students, or to academics themselves, acad emic taxonomies are ‘a machine for transforming social classifications into academic classifications’ (Bourdieu, 1988, p.207). Afterwards he would stress the central significance of the elite graduate schools, the alleged ‘grandes ecoles’, to the power of the French social and economic elite, showing how their credentialism operated as a kind of ‘state magic’ for a supposedly rationalised society (Bourdieu, 1996, p. 374).Tracing the growing incidence of academic credentials among the chief executives of the top 100 French companies, he concluded that the obvious substitution of academic for property titles in fact performed a vital legitimating function: company heads ‘no longer appear †¦ the heirs to a fortune they did not create’, he wrote, ‘but rather the most exemplary of self-made men, appointed by their †¦ â€Å"merits† to wield power †¦ in the name of â€Å"competence† and â€Å"intelligen ce†Ã¢â‚¬â„¢ (p. 334).Where the Frankfurt School had worked with a model of theory as overtly critical, Bourdieu tended to have an effect on a quasipositivistic objectivism, in order that the moment of critique was often concealed behind a mask of scientific ‘objectivity’. In The Weight of the World, he used a mixture of ethnographic interviews and sociological commentary to mount a stunning condemnation of contemporary utilitarianism in the shape of ‘economic liberalism’ as creating the preconditions for ‘an unprecedented development of all kinds of ordinary suffering’ (Bourdieu et al. , 1999).However even here, in his most explicitly engaged work, he still insisted that sociological ‘science’ could itself uncover ‘the possibilities for action’ that politics will require exploring (p. 629). Where the Frankfurt School had conceived of intellectuals as considerably productive of critical sensibility, Bourdieu tende d to detect merely material self-interest. This sort of ‘reflexive’ critique is essential, he argued, to break with the ‘habits of thought, cognitive interests and cultural beliefs bequeathed by several centuries of literary, artistic or philosophical worship’ (Bourdieu 2000, p. 7).However such cynicism can easily cause a radical overestimation of the reproductive powers of the social status quo. Even though Bourdieu's vocabulary of ‘cultural capital' and ‘symbolic profits' has sometimes misled his readers, his persistence on the complex motives in artists' desire to make a mark does not permit him to forget the very important differences between the artistic field and the field of capitalist power. Bourdieu argues that the characteristic nature of artistic and other cultural fields is that they exist in the form of reciprocal gift exchange somewhat than being animated by money.Further, he does not lessen artists to their class position, nor doe s he deny that artists may certainly be singular figures. Indeed, the comparison across the limited and expanded artistic fields sharpens approval of the differences between the autonomous artists and others. The sociological analysis of the artworks, which illustrates how they are necessitated by social situation and artistic position-taking, can therefore become a ‘piquant sauce' which serves to intensify the pleasures of the works. References: Bourdieu, P (1977), Outline of a Theory of Practice, trans. R.Nice, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. ___(1984), Homo academicus, English edn 1988a, Homo Academicus, trans. P. Collier, Polity Press, Cambridge ___(1988), L'ontologie politique de Martin Heidegger, English edn 1991b, The Political Ontology of Martin Heidegger, trans. P. Collier, Polity Press, Cambridge ___(1993), ‘Concluding remarks: for a sociogenetic understanding of cultural works’ in Bourdieu: Critical Perspectives, eds C. Calhoun, E. LiPuma and M. Postone, Polity Press, Cambridge ___(1993a), The Field of Cultural Production: Essays on Art and Literature, ed. and introd. R. Johnson, Polity Press, Cambridge___(1996), Sur la television, English edn 1998c, On Television, trans. P. P. Ferguson, New Press, New York ___(1998), Contre-feux. Propos pour servir a la resistance contre l'invasion neo-liberale, English edn 1998b, Acts of Resistance: Against the New Myths of Our Time, trans. R. Nice, Polity Press, Cambridge ___(1998a), La domination masculine, English edn 2001, Masculine Domination, trans. R. Nice, Stanford University Press, Stanford, CT ___and L. Wacquant (1999), ‘On the cunning of imperialist reason’ Theory, Culture and Society, 16/1 ___ (2000) Pascalian Meditations. Cambridge: Polity Press Eder, K (1993). Th

Objective Reality Cannot Exist Without Subjective Reality Essay

The topic of Meta-Ethics pertaining to whether moral values are objective or subjective, and whether or not as a society we should be able to intervene on another society if we do not believe what they are doing is morally ethical, is quite a large topic. How can we come up with a solid answer as to whether or not there are universal human values, and whether certain things should be considered right for everyone are very difficult questions to answer, we must be wary as to not insult different cultures, religions and societies. It has been concluded that an objective reality cannot exist without a subjective reality, in order to reach this conclusion, we must first consider that morality is wholly subjective, if this is so, we cannot call anything wrong, what we believe is right or wrong is simply an individual’s opinion on a subject. As an example, if someone killed several children from an elementary school, if morality is subjective, all anyone is able to say is that from an individual perspective it was wrong, from the perspective of the killer it may have been (in their opinion) the highest moral good. However, if reality is objective, then we can say that what the killer did was wrong. If one believes that killing is something that is truly wrong, then you believe in objective moral value, and in that case one must ask; how far do objective morals stretch, and where do they come from? If one believes that the wrongfulness of killing is simply a matter of perspective, then one should ask; why does society have the right to tell me what to do if morality is merely a matter of perspective? We cannot truthfully choose one way to look at the world, because the world is not black and white, there are many grey areas and many exceptions people would have to their beliefs, because of this we cannot have an objective reality without a subjective reality. Let us look at the cultural differences on morality, if a North American  (male) citizen is asked the question â€Å"Should women have the same rights as men?† the answer would more than likely be yes, if however this question was asked to a Saudi Arabian (male) citizen, the answer would more than likely be no. Whose opinion is correct? The North American would say their opinion is, and the Saudi Arabian would say their opinion is. In this situation, do we as North Americans have the right to impose our views on another society when we believe their views are wrong? The only reason one could justify imposing their societies views on another society is if that society is giving a different gender, race, or person’s with a different sexuality the same rights. In this example it would be that Saudi Arabia does not give women the same rights as men. In this situation human rights and equality are involved, and another society should interfere in order to help the individuals who do not have the equal rights. As North Americans we could say that this is not our problem, and that because it is not our culture or society, we have no right to interfere. Saudi Arabia would most likely agree, we have no right to interfere, and that it is there culture, society and religion, thus it is up to them to decide how to live, but simply put in the case of human rights, it is not a matter of society; culture, or religion, human rights are a universal issue and as people, we cannot let other people be treated as less than us. â€Å"All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood.† (Universal Declaration of Human Rights, article 1) Simply put, the only articles in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights that should be kept and enforced are those pertaining to human rights, equality and freedom. Any other articles included should be disregarded, and laws should be decided by country. It is very important that we begin to enforce the human rights and equality articles to each country because these are the most important to the human race as a whole, we must advance our societies, and our people together, and societies with more advanced living and understand should willingly help societies that have not yet made it there. We as people should feel incredibly sad, and motivated to help when we see other people who are not being treated as equals, anyone of us could be in that situation, and we should be grateful we are not. We must do all  we can as a society to help those in need. It is crucial that all countries begin to work together in order to help those who are not being treated with the rights they deser ve.